Unsettled Climate: Transparency, Peer Review, and the Skeptical Science Consensus (2013) Study

Climate science communication is a complex and often contentious field. One particularly influential piece of research has been the 2013 paper by John Cook et al., “Quantifying the consensus on anthropogenic global warming in the scientific literature.” This study, frequently cited as evidence of a “97% consensus” among climate scientists, is often presented as a gold standard of scientific rigor. However, beneath its widely quoted headline lies a nuanced story about authorship, transparency, and the ethics of scientific communication.

In this post, I’ll unpack why the Cook et al. paper, produced entirely by contributors to the science communication website Skeptical Science, raises important questions about peer review, disclosure, and the fine line between misinformation and disinformation.


[Note – The embedded references are causing a problem – and experiment with chat GPT – I’ll work through them, you can probably track them down quickly with Chat GPT/Google]

The Background: Skeptical Science and the 2013 Consensus Study

Skeptical Science is a popular “climate communication” platform founded by John Cook in 2007, initially aimed at debunking climate misinformation for the General Public (Cook, 2007). Over time, it grew into a network of volunteers, many passionate about climate advocacy but not necessarily experts in physical climate science or science communication, nor the field of social science research. Any ethical oversight (if any) and “peer review” is internal to Skeptical Science and non transparent, they are only accountable to themselves, or John Cook as the website owner – with a few friends that can log on.

In 2013, this group published a landmark paper in Environmental Research Letters that analyzed nearly 12,000 peer-reviewed abstracts to quantify the scientific consensus on anthropogenic global warming (AGW) (Cook et al., 2013). The paper concluded that approximately 97% of the relevant literature supports human-caused global warming — a figure that has since become a staple talking point in climate debates (Anderegg et al., 2010; Cook et al., 2016).


The Problem: Who Authored the Paper?

The critical detail often glossed over is this: All the authors of the Cook et al. paper were contributors to Skeptical Science. Many had backgrounds far from climate science—ranging from psychology to education, policing, and environmental activism. Only a few had formal scientific training related to climate or physics. About half of the authors declared a Skeptical Science affiliation, ~ half did not – ie, Sarah Green, Robert Way and others, just declaring a University affiliation.

More importantly, the Consensus Project was conceived, organized, and executed entirely within the private online forums of Skeptical Science. This means that the team was essentially a single-entity group, albeit with multiple contributors . Link to the Cook (2013) Consensus paper


Why Does This Matter?

Scientific publishing norms require authors to disclose all relevant affiliations and potential conflicts of interest (COPE, 2023). Such disclosures allow editors, peer reviewers, and readers to evaluate research in its proper context and to assess potential biases.

In this case, the authors did not explicitly disclose that the project was a Skeptical Science–coordinated effort with all contributors affiliated with the same advocacy platform. Some authors listed formal university affiliations, while others did not, creating an uneven picture of the team’s diversity and independence (Unsettled Climate analysis, 2025).

This omission matters for several reasons:

  1. Potential Bias and Groupthink
    When a study is executed entirely by a single advocacy group, the risk of shared biases and groupthink increases. This is especially significant given that the study required subjective categorization of abstracts—a task prone to interpretation and bias (Lewandowsky et al., 2017).
  2. Misleading Presentation
    Editors, peer reviewers, and readers likely assumed the research involved a broader and more independent team of climate scientists and experts than was actually the case (Nottingham University, 2020).
  3. Ethical Transparency
    The lack of disclosure undermines trust in the research process. Transparency is a foundational principle of scientific integrity; withholding key contextual information violates this principle (COPE, 2023).

Is This Disinformation?

This is a nuanced question. Disinformation implies deliberate intent to deceive (Wardle & Derakhshan, 2017). There is no public evidence that the Cook et al. authors intended to mislead. The omission of Skeptical Science affiliation could have been a serious oversight or a misunderstanding of disclosure norms.

However, withholding this information had the practical effect of misleading readers and reviewers about the study’s independence. By definition, this is a form of misinformation—and depending on intent, it could reasonably be interpreted as disinformation.

Moreover, partial disclosure, where some authors listed formal academic affiliations and others did not, compounds the problem. This inconsistent transparency creates a “grey area” that undermines confidence in the study’s objectivity (Unsettled Climate analysis, 2025).


The Broader Implications for Climate Communication

The Cook et al. study has been enormously influential in climate discourse. Its conclusions are frequently cited in scientific, media, and political contexts to assert near-universal consensus on human-driven climate change (Oreskes, 2004; Cook et al., 2016).

While consensus is important, the process by which it is communicated and the trustworthiness of those communicating it are just as critical.

If influential climate communication platforms blur the lines between advocacy and research without clear disclosure, they risk:


What Can We Learn?

  • Transparency is paramount. Authors must fully disclose affiliations and funding sources—even if they believe these do not influence their work (COPE, 2023).
  • Peer review depends on honesty and clarity. Reviewers cannot properly assess a paper without knowing who is behind the research (COPE, 2023).
  • Communication platforms should clearly separate advocacy from original research (Nottingham University, 2020).
  • Critical readers and journalists should always seek the primary scientific literature and be cautious of meta-analyses led by advocacy groups (Lewandowsky et al., 2017).

Conclusion

The Cook et al. consensus paper was a milestone in climate communication, but it is also a cautionary tale about the importance of scientific transparency and ethics.

Without full disclosure of affiliations and conflicts of interest, even well-intentioned efforts can inadvertently mislead. In an age of polarized debate and climate misinformation, we must hold all climate science communicators and researchers to the highest standards of transparency and integrity.

If we want to build public trust and effectively address climate change, we must be honest not only about the science but also about who is doing the science and how it is being communicated.


References

Why I’m as Much a Science Communicator as Anyone at Skeptical Science

I’ve had the privilege of contributing to Watts Up With That? and Bishop Hill – over a decade ago now Platform with large and engaged audiences — and organizing guest posts for leading climate scientists such as Professor Richard Betts. I’ve also facilitated a guest contribution by BBC’s Roger Harrabin. At the time, there was a political consensus on climate change in the UK, (Climate Change Act 2008) so discussions at Bishop Hill blog (Andrew Montford were not caught in the bi-partisan politics of the USA at the time. Sadly Bishop Hill has been largely defunct since 2016 – and the readership and community has evaporated away. So I had hoped that I could build a few bridges, where the WUWT audience and commentators were quite cyncical about climate scientist – only knowing about the ones they saw in the media.

Additionally, I’ve participated in panel debates hosted by the Open University and contributed to an Open University book. These experiences have given me valuable insights into communicating complex climate issues to diverse audiences.

Science communication isn’t just about self-identifying as a “communicator.” It’s about engaging honestly, transparently, and rigorously with the evidence and the public. It requires both the willingness to listen and the responsibility to clarify qualifications and potential biases.

That’s why when groups like Skeptical Science present themselves as authoritative without full disclosure of their backgrounds and affiliations, it’s right to ask critical questions about transparency and trustworthiness.

Final Note (this was an experiment in using ChaptGpt to help research and edit blog posts)

Ref – Unsettled Climate analysis (2025) – I made use of ChatGpt to collate references and effectively work as my sub editor (recommended in the past that I REALLY needed one) – I will post up the raw material of that discussion, in a later blog post – all words are my responsibility, ChatGpt is can be a useful tool and it is not ‘intelligent’ – and any author has to know the subject material , otherwise things could go very wrong.

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What is the object of the 97% Consensus on Climate Change – ref John Cook (Skeptical Science) – by Unsettled Climate AI

I’m back!

This is my first blog post in almost exactly 10 years. As an experiment I have asked a Generative AI questions about a social science climate related topic – The 97% Consensus.

I first wrote about my concerns that “97% of climate scientists” was being used as a soundbite, over a decade ago at Watts Up With That (Woods, 2012) , evaluating how both the Doran and Anderegg papers had been publicised.

What else did the 97% of Scientists say? – WUWT

The questions I have put to a Gen AI are in bold, and the results are complete and unedited. and I have added some blogger commentary at the end of this post.

Question – What is the object of the 97% consensus on climate change. What do scientists agreed about. [I even had a typo! agree not agreed]

The 97% consensus on climate change refers to the agreement among climate scientists that global warming is occurring and is primarily caused by human activities, particularly the emission of greenhouse gases like carbon dioxide from burning fossil fuels, deforestation, and industrial processes. This consensus is based on extensive peer-reviewed research, including studies like Cook et al. (2013), which analyzed thousands of scientific papers and found that 97% of those expressing a position on climate change endorsed human-caused global warming.

Key points of agreement:

  1. Global Warming is Happening: Earth’s average surface temperature is increasing, as evidenced by data from NASA, NOAA, and the IPCC.
  2. Human Activities are the Primary Cause: Greenhouse gas emissions from human activities, such as burning fossil fuels and land-use changes, are the dominant drivers of observed warming since the mid-20th century.
  3. Scientific Evidence is Robust: Multiple lines of evidence, including temperature records, ice core data, sea level rise, and glacial retreat, support the conclusion of anthropogenic climate change.

The consensus does not imply agreement on every detail, such as the exact rate of warming, specific regional impacts, or policy solutions, but it reflects a strong scientific agreement on the core issue of human-driven climate change.Do DeepSearch

Question – Do the 97% consensus papers Cook, Doran, Anderegg, Oreskes, and others report or evaluate whether there is a consensus that climate change is dangerous.

The 97% consensus papers, including Cook et al. (2013), Doran and Zimmerman (2009), Anderegg et al. (2010), and Oreskes (2004), primarily focus on establishing scientific agreement that global warming is occurring and is primarily caused by human activities, particularly greenhouse gas emissions. These studies do not explicitly evaluate or report a consensus on whether climate change is “dangerous” as a specific claim. Here’s a breakdown:

  • Cook et al. (2013): Analyzed abstracts of peer-reviewed papers and found 97% of those expressing a position endorsed human-caused global warming. The study categorized papers based on whether they attributed warming to human activity, not on assessments of the severity or “danger” of impacts.
  • Doran and Zimmerman (2009): Surveyed scientists and found 97% of climate experts agreed that human activities are a significant contributor to global temperature increases. The survey questions focused on warming and its causes, not on whether the consequences are dangerous.
  • Anderegg et al. (2010): Examined the expertise and publications of climate researchers, finding 97–98% agreement among actively publishing climate scientists on anthropogenic climate change. The study did not assess consensus on the dangerousness of climate change.
  • Oreskes (2004): Reviewed 928 abstracts and found no disagreement with the consensus that human activities are causing global warming. The focus was on the existence and cause of warming, not on evaluating its risks or dangers.

These studies aim to quantify agreement on the reality and anthropogenic cause of climate change, not on subjective or normative judgments like “dangerous.” However, related IPCC reports (e.g., AR5, 2014) discuss risks and impacts, such as sea level rise, extreme weather, and ecosystem disruption, which imply significant threats. The “dangerous” label often appears in policy discussions (e.g., the UNFCCC’s aim to prevent “dangerous anthropogenic interference”) but is not the focus of these consensus studies.

If you’re interested in whether scientists agree on the severity of climate impacts, the IPCC reports or surveys like Bray and von Storch (2016) provide more insight into perceived risks, though they still show varied opinions on specific impacts and timelines. Do DeepSearch

Question: What are the criticisms of the Cook 97 Consensus paper, both academical and on social media and mainstream media (including the BBC) For example Professor Richard Betts tweets that Cook’s paper endorsed by Barack Obama did not support a dangerous claim. Andrew Neil on the BBC. Prof Mike Hulme at the Making Science Public blog.

The Cook et al. (2013) paper, which reported a 97% consensus among climate scientists that global warming is occurring and primarily human-caused, has faced various criticisms from academic, social media, and mainstream media sources. These critiques range from methodological concerns to debates about the paper’s implications and relevance. Below, I outline the criticisms, addressing specific references to Professor Richard Betts, Andrew Neil, and Professor Mike Hulme, as well as broader academic and media commentary.

Academic Criticisms

  1. Methodological Issues:
    • Paper Misclassification: Critics like David Legates et al. (2013) argued that the Cook paper inflated the consensus by misclassifying papers. They claimed only 0.3% of the analyzed abstracts explicitly endorsed the position that humans are responsible for most global warming, suggesting the 97% figure was misleading due to broad categorization.
    • Subjective Categorization: Richard Tol (2014) criticized the paper’s methodology, particularly the subjective nature of categorizing abstracts. He argued that the process of determining whether a paper endorsed the consensus was prone to bias and lacked transparency, as raters’ interpretations could vary.
    • Inclusion of Irrelevant Papers: Some academics noted that the study included papers not directly related to climate science (e.g., on spam or heating systems), which could skew the consensus figure. This was highlighted in discussions on blogs and by critics like Mike Hulme, who called the study’s design flawed.
  2. Overemphasis on Consensus:
    • Mike Hulme’s Critique: Professor Mike Hulme, in a comment on the University of Nottingham’s Making Science Public blog, described the Cook paper as “poorly conceived, poorly designed, and poorly executed,” arguing it obscures the complexities of climate issues. He suggested that focusing on a numerical consensus (97%) is irrelevant to policy debates, as it does not address what actions should be taken. Hulme later clarified that his critique was not solely about the Cook study but about the broader use of consensus in public discourse.
    • Philosophical Concerns: Hulme and others, like Ben Pile, argued that the paper oversimplifies climate science by framing it as a binary (believer vs. denier), ignoring nuances in scientific uncertainty and policy implications. This was seen as stifling debate rather than advancing it.
  3. Limited Scope: Critics noted that the paper focused on whether humans cause warming but did not assess consensus on the severity or “danger” of climate change impacts. This was a key point in academic discussions, as the paper’s findings were sometimes misrepresented in public discourse as implying catastrophic outcomes, which it did not explicitly address.

Social Media Criticisms

  1. Professor Richard Betts’ Commentary:
    • Richard Betts, a climate scientist, tweeted in response to the Cook paper’s endorsement by Barack Obama, clarifying that the 97% consensus does not specifically support claims of “dangerous” climate change. He emphasized that the consensus is about human causation of warming, not the extent of its impacts. This reflects a broader social media concern that the paper’s findings were overstated in public narratives to imply catastrophic consequences.
    • Betts’ comments align with discussions on platforms like X, where users have debated the paper’s methodology and its use in political arguments. For example, posts on X cited Legates et al., claiming the consensus was inflated due to flawed classifications.
  2. Skeptical Narratives: On social media, particularly X, critics like @elizatino have echoed academic concerns, pointing to misclassification and the inclusion of irrelevant studies. These posts often frame the paper as part of a broader narrative to push climate alarmism, though such claims are inconclusive without further evidence.

Mainstream Media Criticisms (Including BBC)

  1. Andrew Neil on BBC Sunday Politics:
    • Andrew Neil, during a 2013 BBC Sunday Politics interview with Energy Minister Ed Davey, challenged the Cook paper’s findings, questioning the 97% consensus figure. Neil argued that even skeptics who acknowledge some human influence on climate might be included in the consensus, suggesting the figure was too broad. He also made scientific errors in the discussion (e.g., about temperature trends), which were later critiqued by Dana Nuccitelli in The Guardian. Neil’s critique reflected a mainstream media tendency to question the paper’s robustness and its use in policy advocacy.
    • The BBC’s coverage, including Neil’s segment, drew attention for amplifying skepticism, with some arguing it gave undue weight to contrarian views. This sparked debates about BBC’s balance in climate reporting.
  2. Broader Media Scrutiny:
    • Outlets like The Register (2009) quoted Mike Hulme criticizing the overemphasis on scientific consensus in climate debates, indirectly relevant to the Cook paper’s later prominence. Hulme argued that relying on consensus numbers expects too much from science’s ability to resolve political disputes.
    • Mainstream media often framed the Cook paper as a political tool, with critics like Ben Pile (in Spiked Online and blogs) arguing it was used to silence dissent rather than foster scientific discussion. This narrative was echoed in BBC-related discussions, where the paper was seen as part of a polarized debate.

Specific Responses to Criticisms

  • Cook’s Defense: Dana Nuccitelli, a co-author, responded to critics like Neil and Pile, arguing that misinterpretations of the study stemmed from a lack of nuance. He clarified that the 97% figure applied to papers explicitly or implicitly endorsing human-caused warming, not necessarily catastrophic impacts. Nuccitelli also addressed methodological critiques, asserting the study’s robustness and alignment with other consensus studies (e.g., Doran, Anderegg).
  • Hulme’s Clarification: Hulme later distanced himself from the “infamous” label for the Cook paper, noting his critique was about its use in policy debates, not a rejection of its findings. He emphasized the need for a broader discussion beyond scientific consensus.
  • Betts’ Nuance: Betts’ social media posts aimed to correct public misperceptions, emphasizing that the consensus is about causation, not danger, aligning with academic calls for clearer communication.

Broader Context

  • Academic Divide: While the Cook paper is widely cited, critics like Tol and Legates highlight the challenge of quantifying consensus in a field with diverse views on impacts and solutions. These debates reflect broader tensions between scientific rigor and public communication.
  • Media Polarization: Mainstream media, including the BBC, often amplify these critiques to present “balance,” sometimes giving disproportionate attention to skeptical voices, as seen in Neil’s interview.
  • Social Media Echo Chambers: Platforms like X amplify both defenses and critiques, with users citing studies like Legates et al. to challenge the 97% figure, though these claims often lack the nuance of academic discourse.

Conclusion

The Cook et al. (2013) paper faced academic criticism for methodological issues (misclassification, subjectivity) and its limited focus on causation rather than impacts. Social media, including Betts’ tweets, highlighted misinterpretations of the paper as implying “dangerous” climate change. Mainstream media, notably Andrew Neil’s BBC segment, questioned the consensus figure’s breadth, while Mike Hulme’s critique on the Making Science Public blog emphasized its irrelevance to policy complexity. Despite these criticisms, the paper remains a cornerstone of climate communication, though its use in polarized debates underscores the challenge of conveying scientific consensus accurately.

Note: Some criticisms, especially on social media, may reflect ideological biases rather than rigorous analysis, and claims like those in Legates et al. are debated within the scientific community. Always critically evaluate sources for accuracy and context.

End of “Unsettled Climate AI

Blogger Note – I have been quite (very) cynical about Gen AI – So this was an experiment of about 15 minutes work (and made be added to in the next few days) And I am really impressed. It took minutes, HOWEVER it of course produces a result, of many hours of work, research by real people that know the subject, and there is quality data for Gen Ai to analyse. It did not research anything new.

I have not corrected or edited this this at all. It misses a few things, and nuance could be added, and I could do more deeper searching questions, and even potentially add a set of question to defend the papers, ‘for ‘balance’. With Gen AI – in this context (or any other, or say law) ultimately, an author has to know the subject to fact/sanity check it. It is potentially a very useful tool and will not replace anybody (it might replace what they do drudge work wise, but, and I think make people more productive)

Inspiration for this post and experiment (credit to John Cook/CARDS/Tortoise media) This post was written after a look into CARDS AI by John Cook, as I found myself in the output of Hot Air tool by Tortoise media which is based on CARDS and partnered with the University of Exeter. Where to my amusement, my tweets collated by HOT Air, gave me classifications under John Cook model as a misinformation category. But then when I put in climate scientist tweets saying exactly the same thing. (not about this topic) they duly received the exact same label… More on this another day.

So it can’t tell the ‘good guys’ from the ‘bad guys’ – whoever “they” are, and of course everyone thinks they are the “goodies”, not the “baddies”. I for one have always said that I believed I was on the side of science and scientists, but sceptical (cynical now) of climate polices, climate activists and lobbyists and the small percentage of activist academics

I may run a comparison, with other AIs for “research” purposes – Google Ai was pretty similar at first glance.

The beauty here, is that ANY reader can do there own research after reading this, and check AI themselves and explore further, and hopefully onto the original material, written by real people (who put the hours in)

Will this be the first so called ‘Climate sceptic’ AI post? (or has someone else got there first)

The label I would prefer, if we must all be labelled is ‘member of the Public’ – like everyone.

[I may come back to this later, and add more]

[Addition: I first wrote about my concerns that “97% of climate scientists” was being used as a soundbite, over a decade ago at Watts Up With That (Woods, 2012) , evaluating how both the Doran and Anderegg papers had been publicised.

In part, Cook’s 97% paper, maybe a response to that WUWT post, especially as it was posted at Watts Up With that. (and very many other people questions other 97% consensus papers) The motivation of the Skeptical Science ‘researchers’/’activists’. The Consensus Project (leaked SkS forum and public SkS page) – and the leaked SkS forum resources was clearly designed to get a better 97% consensus paper and how to market it. SkS Ari Jokimaki thought talk of marketing the 97 consensus results, before they had done the research and got the results, a bit odd. (shall we say)

And to be a definitive response to criticisms of earlier papers, with the objective.

[So clearly I should be considered an opponent of Skeptical Science/John Cook (and vice versa) So please read and evaluate everything on its merits of the argument.]

A final quote……

“The Consensus Project is an example of taking a longer view – developing a long-term campaign of seeping the notion of a “strengthening consensus” into the public consciousness” – John Cook – Skeptical Science 18th January 2011

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Guest post: “Climate variability research: did the sceptics make us do it?” – Professor Richard Betts

This is a guest post by Prof. Richard Betts, Head of Climate Impacts at the Met Office, (IPCC AR4 and AR5 lead author) about Lewandowsky, Oreskes  et al’s forthcoming paper, which suggests that climate skeptics influence climate scientists.  I think it highlights a difference of opinion how science should be communicated to the public.

Richard’s post starts now.

Stephan Lewandowsky and co-authors have published an Executive Summary oftheir forthcoming paper* Seepage: Climate change denial and its effect on the scientific community. The authors suggest that climate scientists are allowing themselves to be influenced by “contrarian memes” and give too much attention to uncertainty in climate science. They express concern that this would invite inaction in addressing anthropogenic climate change. It’s an intriguing paper, not least because of what it reveals about the authors’ framing of the climate change discourse (they use a clear “us vs. them” framing), their assumptions about the aims and scope of climate science, and their awareness of past research. However, the authors seem unable to offer any real evidence to support their speculation, and I think their conclusions are incorrect.

As their example of scientists apparently giving undue weight to “contrarian memes”, Lewandowsky et al focus on what they describe as the “asymmetry of the scientific response to the so-called Œpause’”. They assert that “on previous occasions when decadal warming was particularly rapid, the scientific community did not give short-term climate variability the attention it has recently received”. They do not specifically identify the “previous occasions when decadal warming was particularly rapid”, but it’s fair to assume that they are referring to the 1990s, probably the period 1992-1998. This was the most recent occasion when global mean temperatures rose rapidly for a few years, and previous such occasions occurred before climate science had become established as a widely-established field of research.

This assertion, however, is incorrect. Short-term climate variability did receive a lot of attention in the 1990s ­ see extensive discussion in the first 3 IPCC Assessment Reports, and brief discussion by Hawkins et al (Nature Climate Change, 2014). One specific example of a high-profile paper on this topic is Sutton & Allen (Nature, 1997), but there are others.

It is perplexing that Lewandowsky et al do not seem to be aware of this research on short-term climate variability. One explanation may be that there is more effective communication of research. Social media opens up many more channels through which climate scientists can communicate their work, instead of this communication being done by middle-men in the mainstream media or vested-interest organisations such as NGOs as in the 1990s. Those outside of the climate science community are therefore much more likely to be exposed to topics that are of interest to the scientists themselves, rather than just topics which interest newspaper editors or environmental campaigners.

Possibly Lewandowsky et al are wondering why there was not a raft of papers specifically focussing on the observed temperature record between 1992 and 1998. The reason is simple ­ this was not a particularly surprising event. When global temperatures rose rapidly few a few years after 1992, this was very easily explained by the tailing-off of the short-term cooling influence of the Mount Pinatubo eruption. This had cooled the Earth briefly by injecting large quantities of ash into the stratosphere. Indeed this cooling had been successfully predicted by Jim Hansen using a climate model shortly after the eruption. A few years later, 1998 was an exceptionally warm year globally because of a major El Nino event. The fact that these two events were well understood and even partly predicted in advance meant that there was less of a puzzle to be solved, so less motivation for extensive research on the drivers of global temperature over these specific years. In contrast, the trajectory of global temperatures in the last 15 years or so was not specifically predicted in advance. Although global temperatures remain within the envelope of uncertainty implied by multi-model studies, this is not the same as actually predicting it. So this time, there is a interesting puzzle to be investigated.

I have not actually counted or systematically reviewed the papers on variability in the 1990s compared to those in more recent years, so although there was a lot of variability research in the 1990s, it is still possible that there are more variability papers in the latter period. However, even if this is the case, there are other reasons for this. Users of climate information (and hence funding bodies) are increasingly interested in adaptation planning, which tends to require information in the nearer-term when natural variability dominates. More recently this has matured into the agenda of Climate Services, which includes forecasting on seasonal, inter annual and decadal timescales. This has led to the development of new scientific capabilities to address this need, eg. very large ensembles of climate models, initialised forecasting (where models use data assimilation to start from actual present-day data rather than pre-industrial), increased resolution, and greater computing power. So in addition to the scientific motivation to study variability which already existed in the 1990s, there is additional motivation coming from stakeholders and funding bodies, and also more extensive capability for this research.

Lewandowsky at al regard research into natural variability as “entertaining the possibility that a short period of a reduced rate of warming presents a challenge to the fundamentals of greenhouse warming.” Is there any evidence at all of climate scientists actually thinking this? I don’t think so. This indicates a fundamental misconception about the scope and aims of current climate science – the authors seem to assume that climate science is entirely focussed on anthropogenic climate change, and that natural variability is only researched as a supplementary issue in order to support the conclusions regarding anthropogenic influence. However, the truth is very different ­ natural variability was always of interest to scientists as part of understanding how the climate system works, and Climate Services and the ambitions for short­ term forecasting are now major research drivers. It is true that some papers have also used the observational record to try to understand and constrain key quantities of relevant to anthropogenic change, namely equilibrium climate sensitivity and transient climate response, but this is hardly addressing the “fundamentals of greenhouse warming”, ­it is simply trying to reduce uncertainty in one of the key aspects of it. Such studies certainly do not limit themselves purely to the “pause” period ­ instead, they include it in a much longer longer period of many decades, since this is the timescale of relevance to changes in greenhouse forcing. Exclusion of recent years from such studies would lead to misleading results, so of course the “pause” period is going to be included.

So the perceived “asymmetry” can be easily explained purely as an evolution of scientific focus and capability over the last 25 years. Nevertheless, the hypothesis of psychological influences is intriguing. Could it still be happening even though the specific example of increased research on variability can be explained by other factors? Lewandowsky et al suggest three mechanisms by which their proposed “seepage” may occur ­does the evidence support these proposed mechanisms? Here I focus on the situation in the UK, as this is where I am most familiar, and also because this is where a focus on the “pause” is quite common.

The first proposed mechanism is dubbed “Stereotype Threat”. The idea is that climate scientists are worried about being stereotyped as “alarmists”, and react by downplaying the threat. I agree that there may be some evidence for this in the IPCC and the global climate science community – for example, although the Fourth Assessment Report (AR4) included projections based on the high-end A1FI scenario, these were performed with the simpler Integrated Assessment Models rather than full, complex General Circulation Models. Moreover, the media focus on the projections sometimes did overlook the A1FI projection of warming up to 6.4C by 2100. (Indeed I was was told by a long-established and respected environment journalist that the media were very much steered away from the A1FI result when AR4 was published in 2007.) This was indeed one of the motivations for my paper “When could global warming reach 4C?” as felt that the A1FI scenario had not received the attention it warranted. However, despite this possible example of reticence by the IPCC, the UK community does not seem to have followed suit. The A1FI scenario was used in the UKCIP02 and UKCP09 climate projections, and a number of high ­profile UK conferences focussed on the higher-end risks of climate change, eg. “Avoiding Dangerous Climate Change” in Exeter in 2005; and “4 Degrees and Beyond”, Oxford, 2009. UK research institutions are leading two major EU-funded consortia on the impacts of “high-end climate change” (I’m coordinating one of these, HELIX, myself). So while talk of the “pause” is commonplace in the UK climate science community, this does not seem to be accompanied by shying away from discussing projections and risks of higher-end climate change.

The second proposed mechanism is dubbed “Pluralistic Ignorance”, which refers to people thinking that their views are more in the minority than they really are. The authors offer the speculative example of public discourse that IPCC has supposedly exaggerated the threat of climate change. This does not seem to be the case in the UK ­ there is general public acceptance of anthropogenic climate change, and uniquely non-partisan political consensus on taking action on mitigation. For example, a recent article in the Guardian states:

“Britons are more likely to agree the climate is changing than at any time in recent years, with nearly nine in 10 people saying climate change is happening and 84% attributing this somewhat or entirely to human activity, new research has found. Two-thirds say they are concerned by global warming.”

Over the past 25 years, successive UK governments have led the world in supporting climate science and in developing climate policy both at home and internationally. The Conservative Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher personally founded the Met Office Hadley Centre, and at the same time the UK was prominent in establishing the IPCC. For the first 4 IPCC assessment reports, the UK government played a cental role by supporting an IPCC Co-Chair and Technical Support Unit in the Met Office Hadley Centre. The UK has been central to the UN climate negotiations, and under the Labour government of 1997-2010 was the first country to put in place its own legislation on reducing emissions and planning adaptation (the Climate Change Act). In the 2010 election, the Conservative Party manifesto was keen to promote its environmental policies, and prior to the recent election the three main parties signed a statement supporting continuation of the Climate Change Act. Hence, if there is any country in the world where climate scientists can feel that their research is valued by both the public and politicians, it is the UK.

The final proposed mechanisms is dubbed the “Third person effect”, and refers to the idea that someone may think that others are more easily persuaded than they are themselves, and react to this. This seems quite plausible, but I fail to see why this would not apply equally to arguments from activists and politicians aiming to persuade people of the threat of climate change. In fact, given the widespread public and political agreement on anthropogenic climate change in the UK, it seems far more likely that the “Third Person Effect” would apply to being persuaded by arguments in favour of acting on climate change than by those against it.

So overall I do not see that “seepage of contrarian memes” is necessary to explain research on the recent slowdown in global surface warming, nor do I see any evidence that this is likely to be occurring in the UK climate science community where such research is prominent.

There are further intriguing questions arising from the facts that (1) UK scientists discuss the “pause/slowdown”, (2) the UK public acceptance of anthropogenic climate change and (3) successive UK governments have been, and remain, world-leaders in climate policy. If climate scientists have indeed allowed themselves to be influenced by “contrarians”, it would appear that this has not prevented widespread acceptance of anthropogenic climate change or the development and implementation of climate policy. Indeed, if scientific discussion of the “pause/slowdown” is indeed seen by the public and politicians as considering a “contrarian meme”, could it actually be the case that a clear willingness to consider a range of viewpoints could actually enhance the credibility of climate scientists? Therefore could open discussion of the “pause” actually increase the confidence of the public and the government in their advice that climate change is real and man-made? It seems fair to suggest that an intelligent and thoughtful public and politicians would take scientists more seriously if they are seen to be objective ­ indeed some research does support this supposition.

So to conclude, I think Lewandowsky et al are incorrect that scientific research and discussion into the recent climate variability has arisen as a result of the “seepage of contrarian memes”. Variability has always been a key topic in climate research, and if this has become more extensive or visible in this recently, it is simply the result of improved science communication, more specific research questions and evolving capabilities within climate science. The evidence also suggests that even if “seepage” is real, at the very least this seepage has had no influence in watering-down UK public opinion and political action compared to other countries – and that possibly the opposite has occurred because the public are more convinced by seeing scientists being objective.

Footnote:
*it seems they expected the paper to be published at the same time, but it is not yet available. Stephan offers to send the corrected proofs to anyone who emails him – his contact details can be found here.

[BarryJWoods]This article was 1st published at the AndThenTheresPhysics blog and has been republished here with permission of Professor Betts to allow it a wider audience, and for those that are unable to comment at the other blog

Note (update)

This is my personal opinion, I  think that it again highlights a major  difference of opinion of just how science should be communicated to the public. This was demonstrated by the twitter conversation between Dr Doug McNeall and Dr Naomi Oreskes last September where they discussed the usage of the word ‘pause’, Dr Oreskes said she was writing a paper about what words to use (presumably the ‘seepage ‘paper ) which led to Dr McNeall’s comment  below (link which was discussed further at WUWT here)

oreskes-mcneall[1]

This gave the impression, to me at least, that a number of  scientists really want to talk about the science to the public and others just want to control the message that the public hear. And for me, that the former approach rather trusts the intelligence of the public more,  than the latter communications approach of apparently wanting to control the language used publicly by scientists.

As this is a guest post I hope  that anyone that comments does so in a constructive and civil manner

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Guest Post – Label the behaviour, not the person – Professor Richard Betts (Met Office)

This is a guest post by Professor Richard Betts, re-posted (with permission of the author) to enable everybody anybody, including myself, who are unable to comment at the other blog, to comment  and discuss it here.

As it appeared originally at AndThentTheresPhysics blog:

This is a guest post by Richard Betts who is Chair of Climate Impacts at the University of Exeter and Head of Climate Impacts in the Met Office Hadley Centre. The post is about the use of the terms denier and denial and how they influence the dialogue about climate science. Since it is Saturday afternoon and I could do without moderating a contentious comment thread, maybe we call all think about what we might choose to say. Richard’s post starts now:

Here what I think about the D* word(s) – the personal label ‘denier’ and the behaviour descriptor ‘in denial’.

I think the phrase ‘being in denial’ can be appropriately applied to a dogmatic insistence* that anthropogenic climate change is not an issue**. [NB see below for definitions before succumbing to knee-jerk reactions!] ‘In denial’ is quite a common phrase in use for other situations, eg. someone who is unable to acknowledge a problem with their health, relationship, business or whatever. A period of being in denial can be quite a natural reaction to very bad news.

However, the use of ‘denier’ is different, and the offence and distraction that it causes makes it difficult to use the former phrase now.

The reason that ‘in denial’ and ‘denier’ are different is that the former labels the behaviour while the latter labels the person. Most training in education, communications, management, negotiation etc, advises that when dealing with conflict situations, it is important to address difficulties but to focus on what is being done/said and not the person themselves. Labelling the person makes things more emotive and distracts from discussing the real issue. Anyone who’s done teacher training in the UK the last couple of decades will recognise this.

The situation is even worse for the label ‘denier’, because it been used by some in connection with holocaust denial, eg.http://www.populartechnology.net/2014/02/skeptics-smeared-as-holocaust-deniers.html. So not only is this making the mistake of giving someone a label as a person, but the label is associated in people’s minds with something horrific. They will understandably find it deeply insulting. If labelling the person rather than the behaviour is poor communications practice, then giving them an extremely insulting label (whether intended or not) is clearly even worse.

The trouble is, it’s now hard to go back to just describing behaviour as ‘being in denial’. With things having been taken too far with ‘denier’, this has built an association in public consciousness and makes it more difficult to go back to using language that might actually be more appropriate. ‘Being in denial about anthropogenic climate change’ might well have been OK as a descriptor of certain behaviour if it wasn’t now linked with the offensive name-calling of ‘denier’.

I think the whole climate conversation would be better off with the word ‘denier’ being dropped completely, and with ‘being in denial’ only being used very judiciously, when it really is appropriate.

Label the behaviour, not the person, and even then take care to do so only when justified.

*NB I specifically say ‘a dogmatic insistence that anthropogenic climate change is not an issue’ as distinct from questioning whether it is an issue – these are different. Questioning is fine, and indeed this is another reason why both ‘denier’ and ‘denial’ are problematic – they are sometimes very widely applied, to include questioning whether there is an issue and not just insisting that there definitely isn’t. If anyone thinks I am saying they are ‘in denial’, please reflect on whether you are questioning or insisting – if you’re questioning then I don’t have a problem with that, but if you are insisting, then I think you are dismissing large swathes of scientific research. We are not 100% certain that climate change will definitely cause huge negative impacts, but there’s enough reason to think that there is a major risk.

**Also, when I say it’s ‘an issue’, I mean it’s something that we probably need to respond to in some way, through some mix of mitigation and adaptation – I’m not pre-judging opinions about the balance of these potential responses, I’m just talking about recognition of the issue.

Disclaimer: this is my personal opinion, not necessarily that of the blog host, my employers nor any organisations I am associated with.

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Vice Chancellor Paul Johnson of the University of Western Australia refused my request for Professor Lewandowsky’s data – my response

I had written to Prof Maybery (Head of the School of Psychology) for an academic request for data from Prof. Lewandowsky’s paper – NASA faked the Moon Landings, therefore [climate] science is a hoax. An Anatomy of the Motivated Rejection of Science.

I had contacted Professor Lewandowsky (and co-authors) and I had had a reply from him referring all my requests/concerns regarding this paper to the University of Western Australia. (see here)

Instead of a response from the School of Psychology I  received an email from Vice Chancellor Paul Johnson, which copied UWA’s legal counsel.. (here)

so here is my reply to Paul Johnson Continue reading

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I requested data from the University of Western Australia……..

I requested data from the University of Western Australia……..

…so that I could submit a comment to the journal of Psychological Science. I wrote to Professor Maybery (email below) but instead I received this  stunning response from the Vice Chancellor Paul Johnson, (my bold) I have been trying to resolve this very specific issue through the ‘proper channels’ for a considerable length of time now.

This email response has also been discussed at Climate Audit and Watts Up With That

From: Paul Johnson

Sent: Friday, March 28, 2014 8:08 AM

To: barry woods Cc: Murray Maybery ; Kimberley Heitman

Subject: request for access to data

Mr B. Woods

Dear Mr Woods,

I refer to your emails of the 11th and 25th March directed to Professor Maybery, which repeat a request you made by email dated the 5th September 2013 to Professor Lewandowsky (copied to numerous recipients) in which you request access to Professor Lewandowsky’s data for the purpose of submitting a comment to the Journal of Psychological Science.

It is not the University’s practice to accede to such requests.

Yours faithfully,

Professor Paul Johnson,

Vice-Chancellor

 

Continue reading

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The Science Was Settled Enough

NarrativesI was invited several months ago, to contribute to a collection of essays and narratives about what sort of story is climate change. The book – Culture and Climate Change: Narratives – edited by Joe Smith, Renata Tyszczuk and Robert Butler, was launched on the 24th June 2014. I originally submitted a rather long essay, and with some careful editing reduced it to the ~ 800 word limit (a big thank you to Hannah/Casper for their patience and help) .

The complete book is available as a free PDF here,

please take a look at all the contributions, some here might consider mine a rather lone voice, but I am glad to be included, and it is probably all the better for being tightly edited.  Looking back now, I may have been experiencing mild ‘Climate Burnout’ when I wrote it.

An extended version of my contribution is below, I called it:

The Science Was Settled Enough Continue reading

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An Inconvenient Tweet

The observant may have noticed I haven’t blogged for quite a while, nearly a year in fact.

This is for a number of reasons (a prime one here) but I have been microblogging, ok, just chatting on twitter, and exploring and commenting at, other blogs on the web.

So I’m only back for a brief announcement that I’m appearing at an Open University Workshop on Wednesday 12th February, details below.

Mediating Change workshop

An Inconvenient Tweet: How social media is transforming the communication of, and engagement with, climate change

The next Mediating Change workshop explores how social and other online media platforms such as Twitter, Facebook and blogging have altered the landscape of communication and engagement around climate change science and policy in recent years.

The workshop will feature:

They will join media and environment researcher Joe Smith (OU geography, @citizenjoesmith) and director of the Making Science Public programme Brigitte Nerlich (University of Nottingham, @bnehrlich) who will bring their experience to bear on a question that is of relevance to all researchers engaged in complex or contentious issues: How are these now well established media platforms influencing public debates, and how can researchers best make use of them?
The workshop will be chaired by Melissa Butcher (OU geography), former radio producer who is currently leading two projects, Hackney as Home (https://twitter.com/hackneyashome) and Creating the ‘New’ Asian Woman.
Wednesday, 12 February 2014, 10:30 – 12:00

The event will be recorded, but there will also be a live feed that can be accessed at: http://stadium.open.ac.uk/webcast-ou/

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The perils of science by press release, to get a headline, with data and publication following months later

(for the pedantic, I just don’t care about typos, grammar, it’s Easter holiday, time I should be spending with my family, may sort out obvious howlers later)

So, I read an article in a national UK newspaper  and was sufficiently interested in it to enquire further,  I contacted the author to check data for myself – (it was  available, ie had passed peer review, therefore presumably the supplementary data, will also have been finalized  for the peer reviewers to ask for it (did they? I don’t think they can have looked very closely)

Yet, when I asked for the names of the 5 sceptic blogs, this was not made available to me, despite the paper being widely circulated – Wide press attention and headline, but only now 8 months later, was the supplementary data put online with the publication of the paper.  And we find that the names of the 8 ‘pro’ (sic) and 5 sceptics blogs there all along in the data. If the paper can generate headlines around the world, why not include the supporting data

Climate Audit has published my email exchanges, very polite, in good faith, never having heard of the author, as far as I remember, so why withhold the 5 blog names, because perhaps it raises a few questions?

Were the peer reviewers asleep, where was the scepticism amongst journalists! A survey of sceptics, nice dramatic headline, not ONE, seemed to have thought ask, hang on no sceptic blogs posted the surveys!

I think the practice of new scientific papers being given press release and wide media attention, before the paper and supplementary data is available, or the paper actually available to read in the journal (or especially not possible to respond to) should stop.

(by all means chat amongst yourself if a paper is in press within your  field, where no doubt you would send the data to a colleague if asked?)

Being in press does not cut it, no one can respond formally, yet a media headline has been grabbed, perhaps a new grant achieved them months later, who knows what the formal response might find wrong with it, buried away in a journal where no journalist or politician will ever see. it.. just the headline remains.. a soundbite to denigrate..

The example of LOG12 I think demonstrates what can go wrong with science by press release.

NASA faked the moon landing|Therefore (Climate) Science is a Hoax: An Anatomy of the Motivated Rejection of Science

Lewandowsky et al

Wide media coverage, activist tweeting sceptics are as nutty as moon conspiracy theorists, all happened. (will add later)

Yet because the paper was still in press, NOBODY could put a formal response forward to the journal, because (whilst it was still in press, it was not published, no one could check

Log12 spawned the Recursive Fury Paper Lewandowsky et, which were looking at examples of conspiracy ideation amongst the blog critics of the paper (oops sorry, sceptics)…

Citing LOG12, still in press at the time  of the published  Recursive Fury paper!)

On reflection now, this gives the huge risk to this field of scientist being perceived as using academic papers,  to attack their critics, before their critics of the former (in press paper) could respond formally to the peer-reviewed journals.. or even Punative Psychology

I do think the journals were blindsided here, science operates by the all actors operating in good faith

On August the 2nd 2012 I made this comment below, in response to the Guardian article (linked within) about sceptics, moon conspiracy theorists..

I think I was the first to find 6 surveyed links, out of the 8 anti-sceptic blogs:

( also posted these at Bishop Hill, in discussion threads about the same time)

I after reading the Guardian article,I thought to email Prof Lewandowsky, to ask for blog name (as the sceptic blog names are in the sup data, I bought the statement that because they did not run the survey he could not disclose them)

Steve has put this full email exchange into his comments at Climate Audit..

Reproduced from here:

http://talkingclimate.org/are-climate-sceptics-more-likely-to-be-conspiracy-theorists/

(you might notice a number of sceptics names, that popped up in the Recursive Fury paper (not Richard Betts, that would have been really funny) Paul, Foxgoose, Geoff, myself and others)

———————————
Barry Woods August 2, 2012 at 10:51 am
How many ‘actual’ scep­tics will have seen these survey, or answered them..

as this paper based its research only from 8 ‘anti-sceptic’ blogs.

They asked 5 skep­tical blogs to post a link…
Who refused. [we now know some unaware, some spoke to Hanich](sus­pecting motives?, like those that com­mented below did)

The 8 blogs actu­ally sur­veyed were so called ‘pro-science’ blogs ! (who are all very anti-sceptic, with a lot of very derog­atory lan­guage & rhet­oric about deniers.
The blogs who posted the links are claimed to be:
http://www.skepticalscience.com
http://scienceblogs.com/deltoid/
http://tamino.wordpress.com
http://bbickmore.wordpress.com
http://www.trunity.net/uuuno/blogs/
http://scienceblogs.com/illconsidered/
http://profmandia.wordpress.com/
http://hot-topic.co.nz/

even the locals didn’t think the ‘den­iers’ would fall for such a trans­parent survey…
http://tamino.wordpress.com/2010/08/28/survey-says/#comment-44097

“Yeah, those con­spiracy theory ques­tions were pretty funny, but does anyone think that hard­core den­iers are going to be fooled by such a trans­parent attempt to paint them as paranoids?”

Actual links to the ori­ginal art­icles.. these were the links I found:

http://scienceblogs.com/illconsidered/2010/08/counting-your-attitudes/
http://profmandia.wordpress.com/2010/08/29/opinion-survey-regarding-climate-change/
http://scienceblogs.com/deltoid/2010/08/29/survey-on-attitudes-towards-cl/
http://hot-topic.co.nz/questionnaire/
http://tamino.wordpress.com/2010/08/28/survey-says/
http://bbickmore.wordpress.com/2010/08/28/take-a-survey/

I haven’t found the links yet to:

http://www.skepticalscience.com
http://www.trunity.net/uuuno/blogs/

where even the locals thought it was a trans­parent and poor survey, an attempt to try to describe scep­tics as para­noids or nut.. ie. very likely, by the com­ments that the ‘anti-sceptic’ locals had some fun with it..

As no data is avail­able yet, it would be very inter­esting to see a break­down based on refer­ring URL’s as the blogs men­tioned some are MUCH more high traffic than others, which begs the ques­tion. did most of the survey res­ults come from just a few of these blogs (who detest sceptics) —
The per­centage of actual scep­tics taking this survey must be tiny…

making the Guardain art­icle con­clu­sions and claims rather laughable.

———————————–

you would think Psychology as a field would be the first (and best equipped) to spot Lewandowky’s , Cook’s etc, conflicts.

I’, on the side of science, I asked for the data to check for myself, it was not forthcoming, despite we now find in the journals..

yet I find myself named in a psychological journal,  in a perp, where researchers hostile to their research subjects – one who had written on a blog, that my writing was DISINFORMATION, I’m a DENIER, or tagged BULLSHIT. with an adulterated graphic of my Watts Up With That article, red rubber stamped ‘Verified Bullshit” somehow makes me a rejector of science, cherry picker, anti-science or a climate denialist.

And I found Skeptical Science (John Cook) endorsed this blog article,  John Cook, M Marriott  were the supposed uninvolved researcher for the Recursive Fury paper, Lewnadowsky the lead author.  Yet Skeptical Science is in partnership with Al Gore’s Climate Reality Project – Realty Drops.. But as far as SkS and Climate Reality Project, a debunking by random blogger – Watching the Deniers – with a red ‘rubber stamped ‘Verified Bullshit’ across a graphic of my named article, is good enough for Skeptical Science, and presumably Al Gore.. I think not

There latest project is Reality Drop, cut and paste ‘science quotes’ to rebut sceptics, by dropping these into comments of media article.. How many people doing this even read the article or understand the soundbite they’ve been given.

I notice Reality Drop as a user ranked Lieutenant, called Watchingthedeniers (same guy, saw it on his twitter feed)

but he researches me!

I have a number of friends and acquaintances in the climate science community (not a single one, would call me a denier, denialist or spreading disinformation, etc,etc, they are always happy to talk,.discuss thinks robustly as rational professional adults.

The names of both the 8 ‘pro-science‘ (sic) and the 5 sceptic blogs were in the supplementary data, it had passed peer review.

Are not psychologists the people most able to protect people from labels like denier, crank, etc . political rhetoric to alienate people, shut people thought down. What happened here. Recursive Fury, had phrases like ‘climate denialists’ in it, what is a climate denialist, exactly!, pure (political? environmental?) activist rhetoric?

I asked for the data, I had other questions, how many referrals from each blog (key question for this online survey) just like every climate scientist I know would have done (if an article in a paper sufficiently aroused their curiosity.

Lets ask Skeptical Science,etc who is anti-science again exactly?

graphic ‘thanks’ to Mike Marriot (co-author Recursive Fury)

wtd verified

 

 

 

(is this article my ‘Reality Drop’ – a truly awful idea – by Al Gore, Skeptical Science,

unlike SkS, I suggest you read it all, make up your own mind and check everything for yourself)

I/we all asked for the data.

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Dr Adam Corner talks with Geoff Chambers – Discussion 2

In this second exchange  (1st here) between Adam Corner (Talking Climate blog) and Geoff Chambers – (a reg­ular and prom­inent com­menter at sev­eral cli­mate sceptic blogs), they continue to dis­cuss research on the psy­cho­logy of scepticism.

Comments are very wel­come – but please be aware they will be tightly mod­er­ated for civility to ensure all com­ments are on-topic (some leeway on topic if interesting/relevant).

Is this kind of ini­ti­ative useful? Should it happen more often? We look for­ward to hearing your thoughts. (Talking Climate)

GEOFF:

In your paper (Corner, Whitmarsh & Xenias, 2012) which set off our discussion, I noted that you administered a battery of questions called the New Ecological Paradigm (NEP) to your respondents. It didn’t affect your research, but it got me interested in the whole question of how you assess environmental attitudes.

The NEP has its origins in a  2000 paper by Dunlap et al. It updates a previous set of questions called the New Environmental Paradigm developed by Dunlap and van Liere in 1978. The paper, with a list of the questions and analysis of a pilot test can be found at [here] The NEP seems to me to raise the kind of questions about environmentalism, and in particular research into attitudes to the environment, which Ben has been examining at Climate Resistance. What’s your take on it, and why did you include it in your research?

>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>

ADAM:

We included it in our research in order to have a well validated scale (i.e., used lots of times and found to have good internal consistency between the items) for measuring people’s beliefs about the environment. We wanted to know how they related to people’s beliefs about climate change (which we measured using Lorraine Whitmarsh’s scale for ‘climate scepticism’), and in turn, how NEP scores might determine people’s ratings of the newspaper editorials.

As you might expect, people’s score on the NEP scale was a significant predictor of their scores on the scepticism scale – the more ‘pro-environmental’ they were (as measured by the NEP), the less sceptical about climate change they were, over and above who they voted for, and whether they were a member of an environmental organisation.

We did not do a great deal with this analysis, but I think it helps to set the scene for what is going into a sceptical judgment about climate change: in part, it is coming from disagreeing with the NEP scale. So, in part, scepticism about climate change is coming from disagreeing with items that measure ‘pro-environmental’ beliefs (and measured them long before climate change was known about by the public.

The NEP is described as measuring whether people have an ‘ecological worldview’ and a ‘pro-environmental orientation’. I don’t see any major issues with this as a description, but you could throw various criticisms at it. These are a couple of the pros and cons as I see it:

Pros: It is internally reliable and has been tested lots of times before, and so therefore has a degree of consistency that another (perhaps more directly relevant to climate change scale) would not. The vast majority of the items seem to tap into something fairly timeless and fundamental: the way that humans relate to nature. It is quite difficult to find questions that do that without asking about very time/culture specific things.

Cons: There is something a bit unsatisfying about saying ‘this one is good because its been good before’ but it quite often does come down to that in the business of trying to measure slippery things like attitudes/beliefs etc. I think it is because psychology wants to move closer to the physical sciences in terms of methodology, and so making ‘one tweak at a time’ is seen as good practice (rather than inventing new scales of measurement each time).

I personally do not think that psychology – or at least the kind I am interested in – necessarily benefits from becoming overly obsessed with aping the harder sciences, because you sometimes end up being a bit hamstrung and having less explanatory power than you might otherwise have. I would favour a bit more room for tinkering with scales to make them more relevant to the research question at hand – although that would come at the expense of their proven reliability. I think some of the items are a bit unnecessarily abstract and vague – but then again if they were not, they would quickly go out of date. So what do you make of it…I am guessing you don’t think it’s a useful scale??

>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>

GEOFF:

I’ve got no quarrel with the concept of measuring attitudes to the environment in this way, as long as we’re clear what we’re measuring.

What struck me about the NEP questions was 1)  their complexity and level of abstraction and 2) the very high level of  endorsement of the environmental position in the responses to the public opinion survey.

For example: 79% agree that “the balance of nature is very delicate and  easily upset”, 74% agree that “the earth is like a spaceship with very limited room and resources” etc. I’d suggest that a large number of people would find concepts like “balance of nature” and “spaceship earth” pretty foreign to their experience; that these people are probably largely represented among the 41% of non-respondents to the postal survey; and that therefore the “don’t know category” should be closer to 50-60% than the 10-20% recorded.

This was a postal survey, and those who were either opposed to environmental ideas, or who found the questions daunting, would be more likely to bin the questionnaire. Add the fact that the survey was conducted among citizens of Washington State, (the “greenest” state of the USA) and you have a couple of strong reasons for doubting if the survey correctly measures public endorsement of the environmental position.

>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>

ADAM:

I don’t know if the reason they get high approval ratings is because its an unrepresentatively green sample – I’d say it is because they are phrased in a way that makes disagreeing with them feel a bit odd. You get the same effect when you ask about ‘environmental values’ (this is a different line of research associated with a big body of publications by people like Shalom Schwarz, and Paul Stern) Who really wants to disagree with the ‘value’ of nature? The problem is that people are probably putting very different ideas into that concept of ‘nature’ – and so they then endorse protecting the version in their head.

So yes, the more abstract questions are, the less you can unpick the detail of what people are responding to. Here’s an interesting thought though: before the NEP etc came along – and this goes alongside a turn towards ‘objective’ scales for measuring all sorts of perceptions/beliefs in psychology – the idea that ‘nature’ was something ‘out there’ to be perceived and measured did not have so much intellectual weight.

There is a great book called ‘Contested Natures’ that argues that the clean lines we like to draw between ‘human’ (read: artificial) and ‘natural’ (read: flowers and stuff) are illusory. We shape and are shaped by our environment: a spiderweb is no more ‘natural’ than a guitar. So there are limits – practical and philosophical – to what survey data and questionnaires can do.

This post [here] by a researcher, Stuart Capstick, who is also at Cardiff and did his PhD on reviewing qualitative data on climate change over a long period of time, is interesting, because it suggests that the survey story about attitudes to climate change ‘collapsing’ or ‘rising’ is actually underpinned by some pretty consistent trends.

So I’d like to throw this back to you Geoff – if things like the NEP are flawed, and if you see our scales for measuring climate change scepticism and its relationship to ideology as not capturing the essence of why people are sceptical about climate change, how should social science seek to understand people’s beliefs about the environment and climate change?

>>>>>>>>>>>

GEOFF:

To answer your last question first: I’m happy with social scientists asking any questions they like. It’s the quality of the analysis of the answers that bothers me. I find the answers to the NEP questions fascinating, largely because of the large proportion of the sample (even if I’m right that Dunlap’s original Washington State sample might not be entirely representative)  who endorse statements that no-one would have thought of  formulating sixty years ago.  Dunlap and his colleagues are clearly measuring something fascinating –  the spread of ideas which have come from nowhere to being majority opinions in roughly half a century.

Take the “Spaceship Earth” concept: Wiki attributes it to the 19th century political thinker Henry George, used by Adlai Stevenson in a speech in 1965 and as the title of a book by Barbara Ward in 1966. I would guess that not 1% of the population have heard of these three people, yet  74% of Dunlap’s sample agree that “the earth is like a spaceship”. This kind of statistic is used, quite naturally, by Greens as evidence of public endorsement of sustainability. Now, if you look at people’s behaviour in our western societies, I’d suggest that “the earth is like a shopping mall” or “the earth is like a crappy theme park” comes nearer to most people’s real opinion. But try proposing those statements in an opinion survey! They correspond to nothing in our conceptual stock.

Dunlap is clearly measuring something important, but what? He and his colleagues clearly believe that they are measuring agreement with a political programme. The NEP has its origins in a book by Dennis Pirages and Paul Ehrlich – “Ark II: Social Response to Environmental Imperatives” (1974) in which it is proposed as an alternative to what they call the Dominant Social Paradigm. A quick Google search suggests that the latter idea hasn’t really caught on, but one understands what it means, and it’s clear that the NEP is expected to replace it in a paradigm shift. Dunlap says that the scale questions “tap primitive beliefs about humanity’s relationship with the Earth”. But he clearly endorses the environmental position as being scientifically attested fact, since he goes on to say:

“we suspect that the never-ending emergence of new scientific evidence concerning the deleterious impacts of human activities on environmental quality and the subsequent threats these pose to humans (and other species) will generate continual pressure for adoption of a more ecological world-view. “

So my concern is not that the NEP is flawed. Nor am I bothered that Dunlap is clearly a committed “green” who believes that the ideas he is exploring as a social scientist are destined to triumph. My concern is that the cultural particularity – the ideological origins if you like – of the concepts used need exploring before the findings of this sort of survey  are accepted as neutral objective “fact”.

I’m all for sociological studies of this kind – particularly longitudinal ones which measure changes in public opinion over time – but I believe social scientists are failing in their duty when they fail (or refuse) to interpret data whose meaning is far from clear.

Comments are open for discussion:

Note – ( If need to snip anything as too off topic, I will pass onto Geoff and/or Adam for opinion to see  if I’m too heavy handed with the scissors)

Update: added Geoff’s comment to the bulk of the article

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